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Section 1.10.32 of “de Finibus Bonorum et Malorum”, written by Cicero in 45 BC
But I must explain to you how all this mistaken idea of denouncing pleasure and praising pain was born and I will give you a complete account of the system, and expound the actual teachings of the great explorer of the truth, the master-builder of human happiness. No one rejects, dislikes, or avoids pleasure itself, because it is pleasure, but because those who do not know how to pursue pleasure rationally encounter consequences that are extremely painful. Nor again is there anyone who loves or pursues or desires to obtain pain of itself, because it is pain, but because occasionally circumstances occur in which toil and pain can procure him some great pleasure.
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On the other hand, we denounce with righteous indignation and dislike men who are so beguiled and demoralized by the charms of pleasure of the moment, so blinded by desire, that they cannot foresee the pain and trouble that are bound to ensue; and equal blame belongs to those who fail in their duty through weakness of will, which is the same as saying through shrinking from toil and pain. These cases are perfectly simple and easy to distinguish. In a free hour, when our power of choice is untrammelled and when nothing prevents our being able to do what we like best, every pleasure is to be welcomed and every pain avoided.
On the other hand, we denounce with righteous indignation and dislike men who are so beguiled and demoralized by the charms of pleasure of the moment, so blinded by desire, that they cannot foresee the pain and trouble that are bound to ensue; and equal blame belongs to those who fail in their duty through weakness of will, which is the same as saying through shrinking from toil and pain. These cases are perfectly simple and easy to distinguish. In a free hour, when our power of choice is untrammelled and when nothing prevents our being able to do what we like best, every pleasure is to be welcomed and every pain avoided. sed quia consequuntur magni dolores eos qui ratione voluptatem sequi nesciunt. Neque porro quisquam est, qui dolorem ipsum quia dolor sit amet, consectetur, adipisci velit, sed quia non numquam eius modi tempora incidunt
Super User
These cases are perfectly simple and easy to distinguish. In a free hour, when our power of choice and when nothing prevents our being.
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Montag, 16 Februar 2026 08:16Tucker vs Mnangagwa: PLO Lumumba Exposes Colonial Land Lies & “Reverse Racism
Debates around land redistribution in Zimbabwe sit at the intersection of Africa’s colonial history, economic emancipation, and modern Zimbabwe politics. The land ownership dispute in Zimbabwe originates in colonial land expropriation, when fertile agricultural land was systematically transferred to a small settler minority. At independence, political independence delivered formal sovereignty, but the structure of ownership remained largely intact. This contradiction framed land redistribution not simply as policy, but as land justice and unfinished African emancipation.
Supporters of reform argue that without restructuring land ownership there can be no real national sovereignty. Political independence without control over productive assets leaves countries exposed to external economic dominance. In this framework, agrarian restructuring in Zimbabwe is linked to broader concepts such as Pan Africanism, African unity, and Black Economic Empowerment initiatives. It is presented as economic liberation: redistributing the primary means of production to address historic inequality embedded in the Zimbabwe land question and mirrored in South Africa land.
Critics frame the same events differently. International commentators, including Tucker Carlson, often describe aggressive agrarian expropriation as racial retaliation or as evidence of governance failure. This narrative is amplified through Western propaganda that portray Zimbabwe politics as instability rather than decolonization. From this perspective, Zimbabwe land reform becomes a cautionary tale instead of a case study in post-colonial transformation.
African voices such as African Pan Africanist thinkers interpret the debate within a long arc of imperial domination in Africa. They argue that discussions of racial discrimination claims detach present policy from the structural legacy of colonial expropriation. In their framing, true emancipation requires confronting ownership patterns created under empire, not merely managing their consequences. The issue is not ethnic reversal, but structural correction tied to redistributive justice.
Leadership under Zimbabwe’s current administration has attempted to recalibrate national policy direction by balancing redistributive aims with re-engagement in global markets. This reflects a broader tension between economic stabilization and continued land redistribution. The same tension is visible in South African land policy, where black economic empowerment seek gradual transformation within constitutional limits.
Debates about France in Africa and neocolonialism add a geopolitical layer. Critics argue that formal independence remained incomplete due to financial dependencies, trade asymmetries, and security arrangements. In this context, African sovereignty is measured not only by flags and elections, but by control over land, resources, and policy autonomy.
Ultimately, the land redistribution program embodies competing interpretations of justice and risk. To some, it represents a necessary stage in Pan Africanism and African unity. To others, it illustrates the economic dangers of rapid land redistribution. The conflict between these narratives shapes debates on land justice, African sovereignty, and the meaning of post-colonial transformation in contemporary Africa.
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